Behavioural interventions: what has been found to work?

The purpose of this section is to lay out what is known to be successful with behavioural interventions and how we can learn from this.

• School Behaviour – The evidence on school behaviour change was of lower quality, with researchers suggesting the most effective known strategy is walking school buses. (A walking school bus is when an adult leads a walk to school, picking up children along the way.) Usually focussed on children who are too young to walk independently Although they note that there are issues with scaling this up and extending it to every school day. Similarly a successful intervention in London resulted in more walking and less bus congestion, but the basis of success was unlikely to extend to other schools.
• Trigger Points – It has been noted in the literature that the optimum point to achieve modal shift is during significant moments in people’s lives; such as moving home, starting a new job or having a child.
• Workplace Nudge: Education and Parking – The evidence suggests that education on the advantages of cycling was insufficient to change workplace commutes. However, lack of parking appeared to be enough to shift commutes to public transport or active travel.
• Financial Incentives – Evidence here echoes previous evidence suggesting that cycling facilities are a necessary but not sufficient condition for modal shift. However, financial incentives such as £2 per day were found to be sufficiently attractive to encourage modal shift.
• Cycling Cities and Towns Evidence – Evidence from a large cycling scheme in England noted that cycling events and adult cycle training did encourage some new cyclists, while children’s cycle training did not overcome some parent’s fears of children cycling on their own. Additionally maps detailing off-track cycle ways were difficult to read due to the scale and had low awareness.
• Department for Health Evidence Review – An evidence review for the DfH noted that personalised travel plans as well as walking incentivised by the health sector were seen as successful in achieving more active travel. Additionally workplace competitions and travel plans were seen to achieve some modal shift, with the inter workplace competitions seeing significant increases in cycling amongst participants.

School behaviour

Jones, et al. (2019) reviewed a raft of school behaviour changes and found that walking school buses (WSB) and educational strategies are the most effective for increasing relevant outcomes, although overall the study quality was weak. Nikitas, et al. (2019) ran a qualitative survey of parents about their opinions on WSB. The arrived consensus was that morning walks could work but afternoon walks were less likely due to the risk of no one being home. Additionally it would only be expected to operate once or a few times a week, in order to prevent the loss of ‘special time’ and due to low levels of volunteering. They did note that some parents who currently drive would be interested in the WSB suggesting it could achieve modal shift: however, the research was purely focussed on ascertaining parents’ views on WSB as opposed to measuring impact. As such it appears that walking school buses have some scope for success, but it would largely be school specific and take into consideration local circumstances with distance, family circumstances and after school activities.

Gyergyay (2013) investigated the effect of an intervention to increase walking to school, with tap in points along the walk giving students periodic rewards if they consistently tapped in on their walk to school. The intervention was focussed on a congested peak time bus route, where the walk (16 mins.) was faster than the bus journey (21 mins.). After the intervention the number of people who could not board the bus due to congestion was down 50%, along with a 48% reduction in the time spent by Transport police dealing with the overcrowding. The shift to walking continued after the intervention had ended with significant increases in positive perceptions of walking. This further reinforces that walking to school interventions are school specific, but it does suggest that some behavioural interventions can have significant long term effects.

Further, Villa-Gonzales, et al. (2018) point out that the current literature surrounding active travel to schools is of poor quality, and while many of the studies have small effects these cannot be generalised to the school system at large. This highlights that the evidence in school behaviour change is mixed and not necessarily scalable.

Trigger points

Several papers identified optimal groups or times to intervene with behaviour change projects (Forsyth & Krizek, 2009; Cycling Embassy, 2012; Audrey, et al., 2019). They noted that people were more or less responsive to the idea of active travel depending on their current life stage and recent life events. For example, represented amongst the groups who experienced a significant change in circumstances include: new entrants to the workplace; people changing the nature or location of their work; parents of young children, especially mothers; people recovering from ill health; and people with increased leisure time (e.g. following retirement).

This suggests that behavioural interventions should be designed to coincide with events or changes that have a significant impact on people’s lives in order to have the greatest effect. This could include but is not limited to where usual travel routes are known to be disrupted such as major road works; development of new industrial/housing estates; social prescribing due to health conditions; and commencement of new employment or new term of academic learning, etc.

Workplace nudge: education and parking

Audrey, et al. (2019) found through an intensive study that simply providing education on cycling at work was insufficient to achieve any statistically significant change in active travel. However, they did find that walking and public transport use were both positively associated with a lack of free car parking at work. Previous qualitative research has suggested that, where removing parking might be perceived as punitive, employers would prefer this to be imposed from outside the workplace. This might, for example, be a directive from a more distant ‘head office’ or because of policies imposed by the local or national government.

Financial incentives

Wardman, et al. (2007) look at revealed and stated preference research for commuting by cycling, with their main conclusion being that cycling will not happen without intervention largely as a result of increases in car availability. They found that cycle facilities are necessary but insufficient to achieve modal shift, and that other incentives such as financial are key to making the change. “When a package of measures is considered, including modest financial incentives (£2 per day), cycle facilities for around half the journey to work and good parking and shower facilities at work, cycling emerges as a much more significant mode and has an appreciable impact on car share.” While direct financial incentives are less likely to become the norm, the research does indicate that there has to be more intervention rather than simply providing the facilities. This could be in the form of incentives for cycling or penalising motorists.

Cycling Cities and Towns evidence (CCT)

Cycling Embassy (2012) carried out research with regular and new cyclists to gauge reaction to interventions introduced through the Cycling Cities and Towns programme. The table below lays out the reaction to soft interventions, noting that cycling events were seen to encourage some first time cyclists, as was cycling training for adults. Cycling training for children was noted to have high awareness with parents but some parents still did not want to let their children cycle unaccompanied. Lastly, maps, which were considered a good idea in practice, had low awareness and issues with reading the scale.

Cycling Events

In most CCTs, participants were aware of different cycling events, varying from professional races to fun days. The most common event mentioned across all CCTs was the Tour of Britain series, which since 2008 has passed through Blackpool Colchester, Stoke and York. This event has had an impact on participants’ awareness of cycling.

In the last few years, a few Non Regular Cyclists had taken part in a cycling event as either a cyclist or spectator for the first time and this had encouraged them to cycle more. In some CCTs, cycling events (such as Blackpool’s Ride the Lights) were seen as having wider economic benefits as the events attract visitors/tourists to the town/city.

Cycling Training (Adults)

Across all CCTs, few participants were aware of adult cycle training programmes or activities as most participants could already ride a bicycle. A small number of participants had taken part in cycle training with one participant in Leighton-Linslade stating that it had enabled her to return to cycling.

Despite awareness of cycle training being low, some participants had concerns about their cycling ability and how this limited the amount or type of cycling they do, particularly women and less confident cyclists.

Cycling Training (Children)

Cycle training for children was recalled by nearly all participants with children.

However, despite their children undertaking Bikeability, a few parents were still reluctant to let their children cycle unaccompanied due to road and personal safety concerns.

Parents often could not distinguish between Bikeability (cycle training) and Bike It (cycle breakfasts, events, etc.) but there were indications that Bike It had taken place in children’s schools.

Maps

Only a small number of participants reported receiving a map through the post. The maps themselves received mixed views.

Despite few being aware of where to obtain maps, all participants thought that cycle maps were a good idea, particularly for off-road cycle paths/greenways and continuous on-road cycle lanes to key destinations.

Of those that had looked at a map, several participants found the maps difficult to read and the routes hard to follow and this was mainly due to scale issues (for example, difficulty in ascertaining the actual route on a map).

Only a small number of participants reported receiving a map through the post. The maps themselves received mixed views.

Despite few being aware of where to obtain maps, all participants thought that cycle maps were a good idea, particularly for off-road cycle paths/greenways and continuous on-road cycle lanes to key destinations.

Of those that had looked at a map, several participants found the maps difficult to read and the routes hard to follow and this was mainly due to scale issues (for example, difficulty in ascertaining the actual route on a map).

Department for Health evidence review

Analysis by the Department for Health (2011) reviewed the success of a raft of behavioural interventions aimed at increasing rates of walking and cycling. It noted that personalised travel plans were successful in achieving modal shift, especially when targeting people in transitional points. Walking incentivised by social prescribing was also seen as successful in achieving some increased walking, first for leisure and then for errands. Active travel to school had achieved successes too, although starting from a low baseline. Additionally workplace competitions and travel plans were seen to achieve some modal shift, with the inter workplace competitions seeing significant increases in cycling amongst participants.

Personalised Travel Plans (PTP)

Between 2 and 7 percentage point reductions in car miles are secured in most schemes. Personal Travel Planning works best when targeted at people who are in a transitional point in their lives, such as going to university, moving house or changing job. Greater value is obtained when PTP schemes are delivered at the same time as infrastructure improvements.

Adult Cycle Training

60% of people who train increase their cycling a ‘lot’ after their training. The main journey purposes being commuting and leisure. Early pilots in Bristol suggested that approximately 25% of people reduced their car use to ‘some extent’. 81% of people attending cycle maintenance courses also cycle more.

Walking for Health – Health service walks targeted at poor health areas

Participants were asked, after 12 months, what types of walks they did more of since they joined. 17% of people said they did more everyday walking around their own neighbourhood and 9% walked more for shopping purposes.

Walks Information Packs – Mailed information packs of walking routes

41% of people said they did more everyday walking in their local neighbourhood as a result of using the walking packs.

This low cost intervention, which was designed for relatively inactive people, showed that once people gained the confidence of leisure walking they begin to habitually walk more for other purposes.

Active Travel to School

A 3 percentage point increase in the number of young people walking to school across the South West was achieved in the 2 years between 2007/08 and 2009/10.

‘Bike It’ – Sustrans working with schools to increase cycling

The 2009/10 ‘Bike It’ programme achieved a more than doubling of the proportion of young people cycling every day from 3.7% to 8.7% of those surveyed. There was also a near doubling of the proportion of young people cycling to school once or twice a week from 10.6% to 18.2%.

Low levels of cycling offer the potential for large increases in cycling given the right culture and environmental conditions. While some new cyclists will have previously walked there is still a significant shift from car to bike.

Step-o-meters – Loaned by health officials to inactive patients

71% of users who were loaned a step-o-meter said they walked more after 6 weeks.

Walking to Work – Organised at workplaces

25% of the initial target group, who were contemplating or preparing to actively commute at baseline, were regularly walking to work one year later. People who changed their behaviour reported a variety of methods of creating active journeys including: adding walking to bus journeys by getting off the bus early; declining a regular lift in others people’s cars; using public transport more and parking further away from normal destinations.

Workplace Challenges – Competition between workplaces to increase cycling to a set level for 2-3 weeks

Non cyclists take up cycling: 34% of ‘non cyclists’ were cycling once a week or more, 3 months after the Challenge. Occasional cyclists start to cycle regularly: 31% of ‘occasional cyclists’ were cycling regularly 3 months after the Challenge. More people cycling for transport purposes: 28% of ‘occasional cyclists’ were cycling to work at least once a week, 3 months after the Challenge,

Workplace Travel: Single Businesses – Workplace travel plans

Employers nearly doubled the proportion of staff commuting by bus, train, cycling and walking. There was also a reduction in the number of commuter cars by 14%, amounting to a reduction in commuter car journeys by 18%.

Very low cost for employers. Incentives for employers include reduced parking costs, as a contribution to ‘Corporate Social Responsibility’ or by securing planning permission for new developments with travel planning being a condition of the permission.

Workplace Travel: Multi-Business Sites – Workplace travel plans

Area Travel Plans can reduce the number of peak period cars on the Strategic Road Network by 50-150 vehicles. Multi-company schemes should be a good way of engaging with smaller employers who do not have the skills or resources to implement a scheme on their own.

‘Signs Only’ 20 mph Speed Limits

Average speed reduction of 1mph, but where average ‘before’ speed was greater than 24 mph then average speed reduced by 7mph. Evidence from early adopter local authorities shows these 20mph limits are popular, with demand from residents exceeding the scale of proposals.

Conclusion

Some populations represent low hanging fruit in terms of responding to education or infrastructure interventions. Those who have recently moved in particular appear to be more open to travel change, although recruiting these people has proven to be difficult (Forsyth & Krizek, 2009). This suggests that behavioural interventions may be best planned to coincide with events or changes that have a significant impact on people’s lives in order to have the greatest effect.

Most of the soft measures detailed provide boosts to walking or cycling in specific cases. However, the literature does not recommend a specific mix of soft projects, rather saying that a comprehensive measure is needed, which is left to local officials to decide what it includes (Pucher, et al., 2010).